The language of advertisements/jokes
Posted: Sun Jan 04, 2009 11:58 am
Hi everybody! :)I am writing a MBA paper on the language of advertisements on the basis of relevance theory. I am thinking of changing the topic slightly and try to analyse jokes instead of ads because I think I can find more jokes than advertisemnts for my research. I have already written 3 pages which are a summary of Franciso Yus's article "Humor and the search for relevance", in which Yus analyses Sperber and Wilson's Relevance Theory and tries to explain how humourous interpretations are produced. I'm looking for jokes which would fit into the interpretive steps mentioned by Yus (see the text below). If anyone could find some example jokes or ads I would be much obliged. Many thanks in advance for any kind of help!
Here is the summary:
Yus (2003) perceives humour as being incompatible with Grice’s maxim system since it breaks the principle of cooperation; he therefore explains humour on the basis of Relevance Theory. The fact that jokes do not accord with Grice’s maxim theory does not mean that humorous utterances are not successful communicative exchanges. According to Yus, relevance can be obtained without any specific rules - “it is possible to be optimally relevant without being as informative as is required” (Yus 2003:1296). In the case of jokes, the speaker may leave some of the information implicit for the hearer to access in order to find the most relevant meaning, and that often requires mental effort. In Relevance Theory the hearer decodes an utterance, believing that a set of assumptions ostensively communicated presents a good balance between cognitive effects in exchange for mental effort needed to arrive at the right interpretation- the one intended by the communicator. Sperber and Wilson (1994:47) claim that a hearer wanting to fully comprehend the intended message must pass through interpretive phases. Yus (2003:1302) suggests that some of them may be intentionally taken advantage of by the speaker to create humourous effects. Below we will explain how comprehension begins within RT.
First the hearer must select the so-called ‘logical form’ which is sentence structure: the grammatical constituents. That is called decoding. When we hear a sentence our linguistic competence starts forming ‘a logical form’, its semantic representation. The context in which the sentence is uttered is not taken into account in this step yet. In this stage the addresser (person telling a joke) may “play with the arrangement of grammatical constituents” in order for humour to arise (Yus, 2003: 1304). Let us examine this example:
A lady went into a clothing shop store and asked, “May I try on that dress in the window?” “Well replied the sales clerk doubtfully, “don’t you think it would better to use the dressing room?” (Clark, 1968:239, quoted in Oaks, 1994: 379, quoted in Yus, 2003: 1304”
Here the joke lies in the prepositional phrase ‘in the window’, which can refer to either ‘dress’ or ‘try on’.
The next stage a hearer must pass through is called ‘ambiguity resolution’. Usually it is the environment in which an ambiguous sentence is uttered that allows the hearer to pick an interpretation that is the most likely. However, it may occur that both interpretations are possible, that is both can be treated by the hearer as the intended message and in which case the hearer will be unable to decide which one to choose. Let us analyse this example: Morgan and Green (1987: 727) refer to Shaffer’s play Amadeus.When Salieri asks Mozart about his own skills, Mozart replies saying: “I never thought music like that was possible” (quoted in Yus, 2003: 1305). Mozart’s reply here is very puzzling and it is extremely difficult to decide whether the intended message was praising or rather criticizing Salieri.
Sometimes ambiguity is added to words, like the adjective ‘red’ in this example:
Q: What is black and white and red all over?
A: The newspaper (Chairo, 1992:38 quoted in Yus, 2003:1305)
However, generally on the basis of our senses we tend to choose a more likely interpretation. Sometimes it results from the utterance being more stereotypical or more rational, or the preceding discourse helps us arrive at the right meaning (like in the example cited above).
The next interpretive step is called ‘reference assignment”. At this stage the hearer has to find the right spatial-temporal referents for indexicals or determine the notion of polysemous words (having multiple meanings). The addresser controls the hearer’s access to these referents to create a humorous effect. In this example the hearer must understand the meaning of the polysemous word ‘ball’:
Q: Why was Cinderella thrown off the baseball team?
A: Because she ran away from the ball (Rosenblooom, 1976, quoted in Oaks, 1994: 378, quoted in Yus, 2003: 1306)
This example shows how the communicator can play with indexicals, in this instance the indexical ‘it’:
A doctor thoroughly examined his patient, and said, “Look, I really can’t find any reason for this mysterious affliction. It’s probably because of drinking.” The patient sighed, and snapped, “In this case,
I will come back when you’re damn well sober!” (Dedopulos, 1998: 207, quoted in Yus, 2003: 1306).
The last but one interpretive step is ‘enrichment’. The hearer, while processing information, often has to make some effort and use contextual information to enrich the semantic inadequacy of an utterance. Normally, communicators are not fully explicit and leave as much information as possible for the hearer to extract in the process of utterance interpretation. This semantic incompleteness is often taken advantage of by the addresser for the sake of humour. Let us analyse this example:
Manager to interviewee: “For this job we need someone who is responsible.”
Interviewee to manager:” I’m your man-in my last job, whenever anything went wrong I was
responsible” (Dedopulos, 1998: 221, quoted in Yus, 2003:1306)
In the above example the word ‘responsible’ is incomplete and therefore makes the text sound humorous. ‘Responsible’ needs to be enriched to ‘responsible for something’ or ‘responsible for doing something’.
The last stage is ‘deriving implicatures’. Wilson and Sperber (1986:383) define implicatures as: ‘’ those contextual assumptions and implications which the hearer has to recover in order to satisfy himself that the speaker has observed the principle of relevance” (quoted in Yus 2003, 1306). Implicatures can be strong or weak depending on contextual effects. A weak implicature contrary to a strong one, requires more cognitive processing. In this process a new information the hearer receives is processed against the context created on what he believes in and what he assumes. This kind of process is common in humour as the hearer has to rely on his previous knowledge to interpret the humorous utterance correctly. In the following example three pieces of information are needed, namely the song called “You’ve got Bette Davis eyes”, the fact that it was her eyes that Bette was known for and that generally you do not complement someone’s knees:
Two ugly, overweight ladies are leaning on the counter of a hot-dog stand. One says to the other, “You’ve got Bette Davis knees” (Dolitsky, 1983:45, quoted in Yus, 2003:1307)
Here is the summary:
Yus (2003) perceives humour as being incompatible with Grice’s maxim system since it breaks the principle of cooperation; he therefore explains humour on the basis of Relevance Theory. The fact that jokes do not accord with Grice’s maxim theory does not mean that humorous utterances are not successful communicative exchanges. According to Yus, relevance can be obtained without any specific rules - “it is possible to be optimally relevant without being as informative as is required” (Yus 2003:1296). In the case of jokes, the speaker may leave some of the information implicit for the hearer to access in order to find the most relevant meaning, and that often requires mental effort. In Relevance Theory the hearer decodes an utterance, believing that a set of assumptions ostensively communicated presents a good balance between cognitive effects in exchange for mental effort needed to arrive at the right interpretation- the one intended by the communicator. Sperber and Wilson (1994:47) claim that a hearer wanting to fully comprehend the intended message must pass through interpretive phases. Yus (2003:1302) suggests that some of them may be intentionally taken advantage of by the speaker to create humourous effects. Below we will explain how comprehension begins within RT.
First the hearer must select the so-called ‘logical form’ which is sentence structure: the grammatical constituents. That is called decoding. When we hear a sentence our linguistic competence starts forming ‘a logical form’, its semantic representation. The context in which the sentence is uttered is not taken into account in this step yet. In this stage the addresser (person telling a joke) may “play with the arrangement of grammatical constituents” in order for humour to arise (Yus, 2003: 1304). Let us examine this example:
A lady went into a clothing shop store and asked, “May I try on that dress in the window?” “Well replied the sales clerk doubtfully, “don’t you think it would better to use the dressing room?” (Clark, 1968:239, quoted in Oaks, 1994: 379, quoted in Yus, 2003: 1304”
Here the joke lies in the prepositional phrase ‘in the window’, which can refer to either ‘dress’ or ‘try on’.
The next stage a hearer must pass through is called ‘ambiguity resolution’. Usually it is the environment in which an ambiguous sentence is uttered that allows the hearer to pick an interpretation that is the most likely. However, it may occur that both interpretations are possible, that is both can be treated by the hearer as the intended message and in which case the hearer will be unable to decide which one to choose. Let us analyse this example: Morgan and Green (1987: 727) refer to Shaffer’s play Amadeus.When Salieri asks Mozart about his own skills, Mozart replies saying: “I never thought music like that was possible” (quoted in Yus, 2003: 1305). Mozart’s reply here is very puzzling and it is extremely difficult to decide whether the intended message was praising or rather criticizing Salieri.
Sometimes ambiguity is added to words, like the adjective ‘red’ in this example:
Q: What is black and white and red all over?
A: The newspaper (Chairo, 1992:38 quoted in Yus, 2003:1305)
However, generally on the basis of our senses we tend to choose a more likely interpretation. Sometimes it results from the utterance being more stereotypical or more rational, or the preceding discourse helps us arrive at the right meaning (like in the example cited above).
The next interpretive step is called ‘reference assignment”. At this stage the hearer has to find the right spatial-temporal referents for indexicals or determine the notion of polysemous words (having multiple meanings). The addresser controls the hearer’s access to these referents to create a humorous effect. In this example the hearer must understand the meaning of the polysemous word ‘ball’:
Q: Why was Cinderella thrown off the baseball team?
A: Because she ran away from the ball (Rosenblooom, 1976, quoted in Oaks, 1994: 378, quoted in Yus, 2003: 1306)
This example shows how the communicator can play with indexicals, in this instance the indexical ‘it’:
A doctor thoroughly examined his patient, and said, “Look, I really can’t find any reason for this mysterious affliction. It’s probably because of drinking.” The patient sighed, and snapped, “In this case,
I will come back when you’re damn well sober!” (Dedopulos, 1998: 207, quoted in Yus, 2003: 1306).
The last but one interpretive step is ‘enrichment’. The hearer, while processing information, often has to make some effort and use contextual information to enrich the semantic inadequacy of an utterance. Normally, communicators are not fully explicit and leave as much information as possible for the hearer to extract in the process of utterance interpretation. This semantic incompleteness is often taken advantage of by the addresser for the sake of humour. Let us analyse this example:
Manager to interviewee: “For this job we need someone who is responsible.”
Interviewee to manager:” I’m your man-in my last job, whenever anything went wrong I was
responsible” (Dedopulos, 1998: 221, quoted in Yus, 2003:1306)
In the above example the word ‘responsible’ is incomplete and therefore makes the text sound humorous. ‘Responsible’ needs to be enriched to ‘responsible for something’ or ‘responsible for doing something’.
The last stage is ‘deriving implicatures’. Wilson and Sperber (1986:383) define implicatures as: ‘’ those contextual assumptions and implications which the hearer has to recover in order to satisfy himself that the speaker has observed the principle of relevance” (quoted in Yus 2003, 1306). Implicatures can be strong or weak depending on contextual effects. A weak implicature contrary to a strong one, requires more cognitive processing. In this process a new information the hearer receives is processed against the context created on what he believes in and what he assumes. This kind of process is common in humour as the hearer has to rely on his previous knowledge to interpret the humorous utterance correctly. In the following example three pieces of information are needed, namely the song called “You’ve got Bette Davis eyes”, the fact that it was her eyes that Bette was known for and that generally you do not complement someone’s knees:
Two ugly, overweight ladies are leaning on the counter of a hot-dog stand. One says to the other, “You’ve got Bette Davis knees” (Dolitsky, 1983:45, quoted in Yus, 2003:1307)