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A Realistic Idealism
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Bulsajo



Joined: 16 Jan 2003

PostPosted: Mon May 08, 2006 4:16 pm    Post subject: A Realistic Idealism Reply with quote

The article speaks for itself:

A Realistic Idealism
There's a Right Way to Support Democracy in the Mideast


By Madeleine K. Albright
Monday, May 8, 2006; A19

Recent events in Iraq and the Middle East have revived the hoariest of academic debates -- between the so-called realists in foreign policy and the idealists. Realists, who come in both Democratic and Republican varieties, argue that the Bush administration has been naive to promote democracy in Arab countries, as evidenced by ongoing sectarian violence in Iraq, recent gains by Islamist parliamentary candidates in Egypt and Hamas's victory in the Palestinian elections. They suggest that, in the storm-tossed atmosphere of the Arab Middle East, democracy will do less to extinguish terror, as President Bush predicts, than to ignite it.

It is customary for politicians and commentators to distance themselves from those responsible for foreign policy setbacks. Because Bush is increasingly viewed as overly ideological and out of touch, the herd will increasingly want to appear hardheaded and realistic. My fear is that, in the process, a new conventional wisdom will emerge that promoting democracy in the Middle East is a mistake. It is not.

We should remember that the alternative to support for democracy is complicity in backing governments that lack the blessing of their own people. That approach confuses the appearance of stability with the reality, betrays Arab democrats and smells of hypocrisy. America cannot refurbish its tarnished reputation as a global leader by abandoning what sets it apart from the likes of China or Vladimir Putin's Russia.

At the same time, we should keep a rein on our expectations. Bush has said that America "has a calling from beyond the stars" to proclaim liberty throughout the world. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice argues that the democratic transformation of the Middle East is the only way to guarantee that men do not fly airplanes into buildings. Such rhetoric is overblown. Just because the denial of political freedom is bad, that doesn't mean that the exercise of freedom will always be to our liking. Democracy is a form of government; it is not a ticket to some heavenly kingdom where all evil is vanquished and everyone agrees with us.

If Arab democracy develops, it will do so to advance Arab aspirations based on Arab perceptions of history and justice. The right to vote and hold office is unlikely to soften Arab attitudes toward Israel or to end the potential for terror, just as it has been unable to prevent terrorist cells from organizing in the West. Democracy should, however, create a broader and more open political debate within Arab countries, exposing myths to scrutiny and extreme ideas to rebuttal. Though some may fear such an opening, Americans should welcome it. For if we fail to value free expression, we forget our own history.

The "realists" are right to bemoan the invasion of Iraq, but that misguided operation cannot be used to indict the promotion of democracy. The purpose of the invasion was to seize weapons that did not exist and to sever a connection between Saddam Hussein and al-Qaeda that had not been made. The failures were of leadership and intelligence, not a too-fervent commitment to democracy.

In Egypt, although the Muslim Brotherhood is officially banned, candidates associated with it nevertheless achieved startling success in last year's parliamentary elections. The government's response has been to crack down further on political opposition -- both religious and secular -- a move sure to engender even greater anger. President Hosni Mubarak seems intent on bequeathing power to his son, but the more the regime is seen to rig the odds, the less that inheritance is likely to be worth. If America values its standing with the Egyptian people -- and it should -- its support for democratic reform ought to be unwavering.

As for the Palestinians, let us be fair -- elections did not create Hamas. Voters turned to that terrorist group only because prior Palestinian governments didn't deliver. Now, precisely because of the elections, Hamas will be tested as it has never been before, and it will be required to do what it has never done. This will create pressure on the organization to refrain from violence and to moderate its policies toward Israel. Democracy did not create Hamas, but it may cause Hamas to change -- or to fail. Either outcome would be an improvement on the status quo.

The debate between idealism and realism in foreign affairs moves back and forth like a pendulum because neither extreme is sustainable. A successful foreign policy must begin with the world as it is but also work for what we would like it to be. On a globe this complicated, even the purest of principles must sometimes be diluted. Still, we get up in the morning because of hope, which cold-blooded cynicism can neither inspire nor satisfy. If all America stands for is stability, no one will follow us for the simple reason that we aren't going anywhere.

The time has come to start looking beyond the Bush administration to its successor. Our new leaders, of whichever party, will face daunting challenges, including that of redefining what America stands for in the world. Their "to do" list is sure to include winning the battle of ideas -- as we should have long ago -- against the likes of Osama bin Laden and Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, halting nuclear proliferation, devising a sensible energy policy, and restoring America's reputation as a supporter (and observer) of international law and human rights. At the top of that list, however, must be a reaffirmation of America's commitment to liberty and respect for the dignity of every human being. Without such a commitment, all else will be in vain.

The writer, secretary of state under President Bill Clinton, is principal of the Albright Group LLC and chairman of the National Democratic Institute. She is the author of "The Mighty and the Almighty: Reflections on America, God, and World Affairs."
� 2006 The Washington Post Company
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Gopher



Joined: 04 Jun 2005

PostPosted: Mon May 08, 2006 6:22 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote

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Bulsajo



Joined: 16 Jan 2003

PostPosted: Mon May 08, 2006 6:44 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote

Yes, about 20 years ago.
If I recall correctly, a 4 word summary of her piece would be:
"But they're OUR dictators."
She was writing mostly about Iran and Latin American dictators, wasn't she?
And before Iran-Contra, Panama, Grenada.

Kirkpatrick is the realist's realist- Abolish the UN, support whichever dictators suit our puposes, etc.
I'm sure John Bolton has picture of her over his bed.

I think I'll take Albright's realism with hope. Encouraging democracy has to be a policy goal for the US for exactly the reasons Albright stated.
That doesn't have to mean 'all democracy, all the time, everywhere' and it certainly doesn't mean that the US has to invade or blockade every non-democracy, but it should be a stated and strived for foreign policy, should it not?
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Gopher



Joined: 04 Jun 2005

PostPosted: Mon May 08, 2006 7:39 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote

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mithridates



Joined: 03 Mar 2003
Location: President's office, Korean Space Agency

PostPosted: Mon May 08, 2006 8:47 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote

One thing she either neglected or didn't have space to mention is that the US could use a good shaking up of its own democracy in order to promote it elsewhere. There needs to be a lot of money taken out of politics like what Chretien did before he left office, making donations of over $5000 illegal and instead giving parties $1.75 per vote in funding. Being a constant fundraiser takes away a lot of time from real work. The US is better than places like Canada locally in its state-wide referenda every election and having the freedom to vote on bills though, although Canada has been having a lot more free votes in parliament recently so that will probably change.

The results of reforms like that are hard to measure because they're subtle, but they amount to a little bit more conviction in the minds of each and every person out there promoting democracy in whatever country they're in, and actually believing in the system you're trying to promote is of utmost importance.
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Kuros



Joined: 27 Apr 2004

PostPosted: Mon May 08, 2006 11:12 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote

Boo. Supporting democracy in Iraq is a pipe dream.

There are some other good points in this article, including that democracy in the Middle East so far has been detrimental, but I am surprised to see her advocate the mission for democracy so strongly.

Quote:
Encouraging democracy has to be a policy goal for the US for exactly the reasons Albright stated.
That doesn't have to mean 'all democracy, all the time, everywhere' and it certainly doesn't mean that the US has to invade or blockade every non-democracy, but it should be a stated and strived for foreign policy, should it not?


Yes, but not in Iraq and not now.
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Bulsajo



Joined: 16 Jan 2003

PostPosted: Tue May 09, 2006 7:51 am    Post subject: Reply with quote

Kuros wrote:

Yes, but not in Iraq and not now.

Pre-2003, I would have agreed.
As things currently stand, what reasonable alternatives are there?
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Gopher



Joined: 04 Jun 2005

PostPosted: Tue May 09, 2006 8:52 am    Post subject: Reply with quote

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Bulsajo



Joined: 16 Jan 2003

PostPosted: Tue May 09, 2006 8:56 am    Post subject: Reply with quote

Gopher wrote:

There are only bad and worse options in Iraq right now.

That's probably the one sentence everyone in this forum can agree on.
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Kuros



Joined: 27 Apr 2004

PostPosted: Tue May 09, 2006 9:20 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote

Bulsajo wrote:
Kuros wrote:

Yes, but not in Iraq and not now.

Pre-2003, I would have agreed.
As things currently stand, what reasonable alternatives are there?


Ah, are you saying that now that democratization has been promised and initiated, we are stuck with it? Yeah, that's true.
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Ya-ta Boy



Joined: 16 Jan 2003
Location: Established in 1994

PostPosted: Wed May 10, 2006 1:54 am    Post subject: Reply with quote

Quote:
My fear is that, in the process, a new conventional wisdom will emerge that promoting democracy in the Middle East is a mistake. It is not.
We should remember that the alternative to support for democracy is complicity in backing governments that lack the blessing of their own people.


This one of those damned if you do, damned if you don't situations and requires some pretty cool nerves. If you 'deal with' an abhorent government, then you leave yourself open to accusations of supporting it. If you don't deal with it, then you can be accused of meddling in another country's internal affairs.

I think the only way forward is to stand by your principals and hold your nose. At the same time, recognize that we hold a stronger hand in any relationship and can afford to openly criticize bad guys. I think we can use carrots and sticks much more effectively than we have in the past. Foreign aid can be made dependent on certain reforms that will tend to build democratic systems over time. Maybe it's the teacher in me, I don't know, but I think it makes a lot of sense to make the sale of military jets dependent on increases in public education spending and health care.

On another thread, Gopher mentioned Costa Rica. Why not deposit a few billion $ in their national bank for investment purposes, ie., reward them economically for having a history of working in the desired direction?

I think there is room for both idealism and realism in foreign policy.
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bigverne



Joined: 12 May 2004

PostPosted: Wed May 10, 2006 2:26 am    Post subject: Reply with quote

Quote:
Supporting democracy in Iraq is a pipe dream.


Supporting democracy in any Muslim nation, and thinking that it will engender any kind of free, liberal society is a pipe dream. What you will simply get is Shariah, and a resurgence of Islam.
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Nowhere Man



Joined: 08 Feb 2004

PostPosted: Wed May 10, 2006 2:40 am    Post subject: ... Reply with quote

I saw this thread but wanted to wait for some commentary before jumping in.

What I think is missing here is that the US is foremost capitalist over democratic.

First of all, we're republican, not democratic. I really wish that word weren't repeatedly bastardized.

Second, that's what's missing in Albright's statements. She makes negative insinuations about Russia and China, but we still trade with them.

We are essentially funding a communist China's rise to superpower status.

The Middle East is basically an economic distraction when compared to China.

We could halt trade with China, but OUCH!

Could we do that?

Realistically? Yes. But it would hurt bad.

Many will probably disagree as to whether that is realistic or idealistic.

In other words, at this point, we have to trade with communists to finance our lifestyle.

So, sure, we shouldn't give up on promoting our style of government. However, absent of principles, I'm not sure how far we'll get.

And, in a rare moment of agreement with Gopher, you don't get great results when you pave over the face of a nation with democracy while the underlying power structures remain. And again, in general, I think those power structures are generally based on economics.

And, back to China, I think that's why we look weak in this aspect.

And, back to Albright, it's hypocritical to say we don't want countries to end up like China and Russia when we are financing China's rise to power.

Could we prevent said rise by not trading? Probably not, but where do we stand?

Garbled.

And it looks like a case of choosing bad or worse for the US on many fronts.

One intelligent choice to choose would be a move toward world government.

Reform the UN a la the WTO.
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Gopher



Joined: 04 Jun 2005

PostPosted: Wed May 10, 2006 5:19 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote

Quote:
The United States is one of the last remaining land empires. That it is made the butt of opprobrium and odium is hardly surprising, or unprecedented. Empires - Rome, the British, the Ottomans - were always targeted by the disgruntled, the disenfranchised and the dispossessed and by their self-appointed delegates, the intelligentsia.

Yet, even by historical standards, America seems to be provoking blanket repulsion.

The Pew Research Center published last December a report titled "What the World Thinks in 2002". "The World", was reduced by the pollsters to 44 countries and 38,000 interviewees. Two other surveys published last year - by the German Marshall Fund and the Chicago Council on Foreign Relations - largely supported Pew's findings.

The most startling and unambiguous revelation was the extent of anti-American groundswell everywhere: among America's NATO allies, in developing countries, Muslim nations and even in eastern Europe where Americans, only a decade ago, were lionized as much-adulated liberators.

"People around the world embrace things American and, at the same time, decry U.S. influence on their societies. Similarly, pluralities in most of the nations surveyed complain about American unilateralism."- expounds the Pew report.

Yet, even this "embrace of things American" is ambiguous.

Violently "independent", inanely litigious and quarrelsome, solipsistically provincial, and fatuously ignorant - this nation of video clips and sound bites, the United States, is often perceived as trying to impose its narcissistic pseudo-culture upon a world exhausted by wars hot and cold and corrupted by vacuous materialism.

Recent accounting scandals, crumbling markets, political scams, technological setbacks, and rising social tensions have revealed how rotten and inherently contradictory the US edifice is and how concerned are Americans with appearances rather than substance.

To religious fundamentalists, America is the Great Satan, a latter-day Sodom and Gomorrah, a cesspool of immorality and spiritual decay. To many European liberals, the United states is a throwback to darker ages of religious zealotry, pernicious bigotry, virulent nationalism, and the capricious misrule of the mighty.

According to most recent surveys by Gallup, MORI, the Council for Secular Humanism, the US Census Bureau, and others - the vast majority of Americans are chauvinistic, moralizing, bible-thumping, cantankerous, and trigger-happy. About half of them believe that Satan exists - not as a metaphor, but physically.

America has a record defense spending per head, a vertiginous rate of incarceration, among the highest numbers of legal executions and gun-related deaths. It is still engaged in atavistic debates about abortion, the role of religion, and whether to teach the theory of evolution.

According to a series of special feature articles in The Economist, America is generally well-liked in Europe, but less so than before. It is utterly detested by the Moslem street, even in "progressive" Arab countries, such as Egypt and Jordan. Everyone - Europeans and Arabs, Asians and Africans - thinks that "the spread of American ideas and customs is a bad thing."

Admittedly, we typically devalue most that which we have formerly idealized and idolized.

To the liberal-minded, the United States of America reified the most noble, lofty, and worthy values, ideals, and causes. It was a dream in the throes of becoming, a vision of liberty, peace, justice, prosperity, and progress. Its system, though far from flawless, was considered superior - both morally and functionally - to any ever conceived by Man.

Such unrealistic expectations inevitably and invariably lead to disenchantment, disillusionment, bitter disappointment, seething anger, and a sense of humiliation for having been thus deluded, or, rather, self-deceived. This backlash is further exacerbated by the haughty hectoring of the ubiquitous American missionaries of the "free-market-cum-democracy" church.

Americans everywhere aggressively preach the superior virtues of their homeland. Edward K. Thompson, managing editor of "Life" (1949-1961) warned against this propensity to feign omniscience and omnipotence: "Life (the magazine) must be curious, alert, erudite and moral, but it must achieve this without being holier-than-thou, a cynic, a know-it-all, or a Peeping Tom."

Thus, America's foreign policy - i.e., its presence and actions abroad - is, by far, its foremost vulnerability.

According to the Pew study, the image of the Unites States as a benign world power slipped dramatically in the space of two years in Slovakia (down 14 percent), in Poland (-7), in the Czech Republic (-6) and even in fervently pro-Western Bulgaria (-4 percent). It rose exponentially in Ukraine (up 10 percent) and, most astoundingly, in Russia (+24 percent) - but from a very low base.

The crux may be that the USA maintains one set of sanctimonious standards at home while egregiously and nonchalantly flouting them far and wide. Hence the fervid demonstrations against its military presence in places as disparate as South Korea, Japan, the Philippines, and Saudi Arabia.

In January 2000, Staff Sergeant Frank J. Ronghi sexually molested, forcibly sodomized ("indecent acts with a child") and then murdered an 11-years old girl in the basement of her drab building in Kosovo, when her father went to market to do some shopping. His is by no means the most atrocious link in a long chain of brutalities inflicted by American soldiers overseas. In all these cases, the perpetrators were removed from the scene to face justice - or, more often, a travesty thereof - back home.

Americans - officials, scholars, peacemakers, non-government organizations - maintain a colonial state of mind. Backward natives come cheap, their lives dispensable, their systems of governance and economies inherently inferior. The white man's burden must not be encumbered by the vagaries of primitive indigenous jurisprudence. Hence America's fierce resistance to and indefatigable obstruction of the International Criminal Court.

Opportunistic multilateralism notwithstanding, the USA still owes the poorer nations of the world close to $200 million - its arrears to the UN peacekeeping operations, usually asked to mop up after an American invasion or bombing. It not only refuses to subject its soldiers to the jurisdiction of the World Criminal Court - but its facilities to the inspectors of the Chemical Weapons Convention, its military to the sanctions of the (anti) land mines treaty and the provisions of the Comprehensive Test-Ban Treaty, and its industry to the environmental constraints of the Kyoto Protocol, the rulings of the World Trade Organization, and the rigors of global intellectual property rights.

Despite its instinctual unilateralism, the United States is never averse to exploiting multilateral institutions to its ends. It is the only shareholder with a veto power in the International Monetary Fund (IMF), by now widely considered to have degenerated into a long arm of the American administration. The United Nations Security Council, raucous protestations aside, has rubber-stamped American martial exploits from Panama to Iraq.

It seems as though America uses - and thus, perforce, abuses - the international system for its own, ever changing, ends. International law is invoked by it when convenient - ignored when importune.

In short, America is a bully. It is a law unto itself and it legislates on the fly, twisting arms and breaking bones when faced with opposition and ignoring the very edicts it promulgates at its convenience. Its soldiers and peacekeepers, its bankers and businessmen, its traders and diplomats are its long arms, an embodiment of this potent and malignant mixture of supremacy and contempt.

But why is America being singled out?

In politics and even more so in geopolitics, double standards and bullying are common. Apartheid South Africa, colonial France, mainland China, post-1967 Israel - and virtually every other polity - were at one time or another characterized by both. But while these countries usually mistreated only their own subjects - the USA does so also exterritorialy.

Even as it never ceases to hector, preach, chastise, and instruct - it does not recoil from violating its own decrees and ignoring its own teachings. It is, therefore, not the USA's intrinsic nature, nor its self-perception, or social model that I find most reprehensible - but its actions, particularly its foreign policy.

America's manifest hypocrisy, its moral talk and often immoral walk, its persistent application of double standards, irks and grates. I firmly believe that it is better to face a forthright villain than a masquerading saint. It is easy to confront a Hitler, a Stalin, or a Mao, vile and bloodied, irredeemably depraved, worthy only of annihilation. The subtleties of coping with the United States are far more demanding - and far less rewarding.

This self-proclaimed champion of human rights has aided and abetted countless murderous dictatorships. This alleged sponsor of free trade - is the most protectionist of rich nations. This ostensible beacon of charity - contributes less than 0.1% of its GDP to foreign aid (compared to Scandinavia's 0.6%, for instance). This upright proponent of international law (under whose aegis it bombed and invaded half a dozen countries this past decade alone) - is in avowed opposition to crucial pillars of the international order.

Naturally, America's enemies and critics are envious of its might and wealth. They would have probably acted the same as the United States, if they only could. But America's haughtiness and obtuse refusal to engage in soul searching and house cleaning do little to ameliorate this antagonism.

To the peoples of the poor world, America is both a colonial power and a mercantilist exploiter. To further its geopolitical and economic goals from Central Asia to the Middle East, it persists in buttressing regimes with scant regard for human rights, in cahoots with venal and sometimes homicidal indigenous politicians. And it drains the developing world of its brains, its labour, and its raw materials, giving little in return.

All powers are self-interested - but America is narcissistic. It is bent on exploiting and, having exploited, on discarding. It is a global Dr. Frankenstein, spawning mutated monsters in its wake. Its "drain and dump" policies consistently boomerang to haunt it.

Both Saddam Hussein and Manuel Noriega - two acknowledged monsters - were aided and abetted by the CIA and the US military. America had to invade Panama to depose the latter and plans to invade Iraq for the second time to force the removal of the former.

The Kosovo Liberation Army, an American anti-Milosevic pet, provoked a civil war in Macedonia two years ago. Osama bin-Laden, another CIA golem, restored to the USA, on September 11, 2001 some of the materiel it so generously bestowed on him in his anti-Russian days.

Normally the outcomes of expedience, the Ugly American's alliances and allegiances shift kaleidoscopically. Pakistan and Libya were transmuted from foes to allies in the fortnight prior to the Afghan campaign. Milosevic has metamorphosed from staunch ally to rabid foe in days.

This capricious inconsistency casts in grave doubt America's sincerity - and in sharp relief its unreliability and disloyalty, its short term thinking, truncated attention span, soundbite mentality, and dangerous, "black and white", simplism.

In its heartland, America is isolationist. Its denizens erroneously believe that the Land of the Free and the Home of the Brave is an economically self-sufficient and self-contained continent. Yet, it is not what Americans trust or wish that matters to others. It is what they do. And what they do is meddle, often unilaterally, always ignorantly, sometimes forcefully.

Elsewhere, inevitable unilateralism is mitigated by inclusive cosmopolitanism. It is exacerbated by provincialism - and American decision-makers are mostly provincials, popularly elected by provincials. As opposed to Rome, or Great Britain, America is ill-suited and ill-equipped to micromanage the world.

It is too puerile, too abrasive, too arrogant - and it has a lot to learn. Its refusal to acknowledge its shortcomings, its confusion of brain with brawn (i.e., money or bombs), its legalistic-litigious character, its culture of instant gratification and one-dimensional over-simplification, its heartless lack of empathy, and bloated sense of entitlement - are detrimental to world peace and stability.

America is often called by others to intervene. Many initiate conflicts or prolong them with the express purpose of dragging America into the quagmire. It then is either castigated for not having responded to such calls - or reprimanded for having responded. It seems that it cannot win. Abstention and involvement alike garner it only ill-will.

But people call upon America to get involved because they know it rises to the challenge. America should make it unequivocally and unambiguously clear that - with the exception of the Americas - its sole interests rest in commerce. It should make it equally known that it will protect its citizens and defend its assets - if need be by force.

Indeed, America's - and the world's - best bet are a reversion to the Monroe and (technologically updated) Mahan doctrines. Wilson's Fourteen Points brought the USA nothing but two World Wars and a Cold War thereafter. It is time to disengage.


http://samvak.tripod.com/pp112.html


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Gopher



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PostPosted: Wed May 10, 2006 9:02 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote

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