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Bulsajo

Joined: 16 Jan 2003
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Posted: Mon Aug 21, 2006 8:36 am Post subject: Moral decline: America needs to regain the high ground |
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Moral decline
America needs to regain the high ground as a world leader
Mon Aug 21 2006
By Julia E. Sweig
AMERICA'S moral standing in the world has precipitously declined since 2001.
For starters, blame the Bush administration's go-it-alone tough talk after Sept. 11, contempt for the Kyoto accord, war and then chaos in Iraq, secret prisons in Europe and alleged use of torture at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. Democrats would have you believe that a new team -- theirs -- in Washington would change all this. Not so fast.
Around the world, anti-Americanism is not simply the result of anger about President Bush's foreign policies. Rather, it is deeply entrenched antipathy accumulated over decades. It may take generations to undo.
Consider the causes:
* COLD WAR LEGACY: U.S. intervention in Vietnam, and covert attempts to overthrow governments in Iran, Guatemala and Cuba, among others, created profound distrust of U.S. motives throughout the developing world. Europeans also disdain these policies and bemoan the cultural coarseness of Americanization sweeping their continent.
Americans, by contrast, tend to dismiss this side of the Cold War. Gore Vidal famously referred to this country as the United States of Amnesia. We're all about moving forward, getting over it, a nation of immigrants for whom leaving the past behind was a geographic, psychological and often political act. As the last guy standing when the Cold War ended, in 1989, we expected the world to embrace free markets and liberal democracy.
* POWER AND POWERLESSNESS: Power generates resentment. But the United States has lost the ability to see its power from the perspective of those with less of it. In Latin America, for example, U.S. policies -- whether on trade, aid, democracy, drugs or immigration -- presumed that Latin Americans would automatically see U.S. interests as their own. And when denied deference, we sometimes lash out, as did Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld when he lumped Germany, a close U.S. ally, with Cuba and Libya because Berlin opposed the Iraq war.
* GLOBALIZATION: In the 1990s, our government, private sector and opinion makers sold globalization as virtually synonymous with Americanization. President Clinton promised that open markets, open societies and smaller government would be the bridge to the 21st century. So where globalization hasn't delivered, the U.S. is blamed.
* WHAT AMERICA STANDS FOR: Bush is wrong to say that foreigners hate us because of our values and freedoms. Quite the contrary. U.S. credibility abroad used to be reinforced by the perception that our laws and government programs gave most Americans a fair chance to participate in a middle-class meritocracy. But the appeal of the U.S. model overseas is eroding as the gap between rich and poor widens, public education deteriorates, health-care costs soar and pensions disappear.
Most recently, the U.S. government's seeming indifference to its most vulnerable citizens in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina further undercut belief in the American social contract.
The immigration debates also have fostered the perception that the U.S. is vulnerable, hostile and fearful.
Nevertheless, the ideal of the United States as a beacon of justice, democracy, freedom and human rights still garners grudging respect abroad. Despite the perverse appeal of anti-Americanism, its proliferation hurts not only the U.S. but global security. For all the resentments that U.S. leadership generates, in the absence of an appealing alternative, it remains a much-desired resource. That's why the U.S. could still get its global groove back.
But there is no quick fix.
Liberals tempted to out-Bush Bush in the battle against terrorism risk sowing the seeds of a future backlash in the developing world. The U.S. will be no less powerful in the eyes of powerless nations if Democrats win control of Congress in November. Harsh global competition isn't going away either. As a result, the wellsprings of anti-Americanism will not dry up anytime soon.
But anti-Americanism will begin to ebb if the new watchwords of U.S. policy and conduct are pragmatism, generosity, modesty, discretion, cooperation, empathy, fairness, manners and lawfulness. This softer lexicon should not be construed as a refutation of the use of force against hostile states or terrorist groups. Rather, a foreign policy that deploys U.S. power with some consideration for how the U.S. is perceived will gradually make legitimate U.S. military action more acceptable abroad.
Personalities do matter. And not just the president's. The global initiatives of private American citizens -- Bill Gates, Warren Buffett, Gordon Moore, Angelina Jolie, Oprah Winfrey and Steven Spielberg -- carry the kind of message that government-sponsored public diplomacy can't match.
And symbols matter too. We should close Guantanamo.
Recovering our global standing will come not only from how we fight or prevent the next war, or manage an increasingly chaotic world. Domestic policy must change as well. Steering the body politic out of its insular mood, reducing social and economic inequalities, and decreasing our dependence on fossil fuels will help improve our moral standing and our security.
Julia Sweig is a senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations. Her most recent book is Friendly Fire: Losing Friends and Making Enemies in the Anti-American Century.
-- Special to the Los Angeles Times
[This was emailed to me and I haven't looked up the url at the LA Times. -BSJ] |
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Bulsajo

Joined: 16 Jan 2003
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Posted: Mon Aug 21, 2006 8:49 am Post subject: |
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Maybe she doesn't have much in the way of answers, but I think her article did a pretty good job of cutting straight to the heart of problem in a way you don't see too often these days due to partisanship. |
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happeningthang

Joined: 26 Apr 2003
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Posted: Mon Aug 21, 2006 8:58 am Post subject: |
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Sure nuff. I'm curious what Joo and Sandub have to say about this. |
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ddeubel

Joined: 20 Jul 2005
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Posted: Mon Aug 21, 2006 10:10 am Post subject: |
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Nice article and not lots new but well articulated. I've been saying the same thing in many different ways, slants. Also regards Israel.
I offer the Lapham essay below, as an even more adroit rendition of what America has lost (in leadership) and where it should go.......
In particular (and to some on this board ) the suffit of wisdom and intelligence.......his words...
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The capacity to notice the difference and the willingness to act on the observation presuppose the mind and presence of an adult - that is, an individual whose character and moral sense is formed by his or her own thought and experience. Washington these days doesn't have much use for adults; they can't be trusted to go along with the program, play well with others, believe what they read in the newspapers. What is wanted is a quorum of dutiful children, who know that skepticism is wicked and credulity a virtue that also stands and serves as job requirement for their successful rising in the ranks of the government and media bureaucracies |
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He doesn't conclude with hope, and neither am I hopeful for America in the near term....
I've been fortunate to be doing a lot of reading of late.....Lapham is on the list, especially his writings about Machiavelli and how he views America as a land which does not understand the concept of "virtue" anymore, in the Machiavellian sense. I would though, suggest for a good primer on why America is failing internationally, to go to this old discussion of the problems of terror with Laphman and Vidal
http://www.independent.org/events/transcript.asp?eventID=12
Cheers,
DD
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Thursday, January 26, 2006
Exit Strategies
by Lewis H Lapham
Harper's Magazine (January 2006)
"It is not obligatory for a generation to have great men".
- Jose Ortega y Gasset
As it becomes increasingly evident that the war in Iraq isn't likely to lead to a happy, Hollywood ending, an ever larger number of its once-upon-a-time champions - cost-conscious Republicans as well as conscience-stricken Democrats - have begun to suffer increasingly severe shortages of memory. On their better days they can remember that Iraq is a faraway Arab country, famous for its mosques and palm trees, but when asked why Baghdad is burning, or how it has come to pass that 2,096 American soldiers are no longer reporting for work on what in the winter of 2003 was imagined as a movie set, they become anxious and forgetful. Last fall's sudden rise in newly discovered cases of amnesia coincided with the season's news reports about the Bush Administration's having set up the invasion of Iraq behind a screen of flag-waving lies - the CIA misinforming the Pentagon, the Pentagon falsifying its dispatches to the State Department, the White House gulling the Congress, Congress running a shell game on itself.
Given the multiple choice of reasons for not knowing what was what (then, now, preferably never), the convenient losses of memory also could be construed as symptoms of a too trusting faith in the goodness of one's fellow man, and during the months of October and November the Washington talk-show circuit was loud with displays of indignant surprise and wet with the tears of betrayal. Everybody a blameless dupe - misled, played for a sucker, sold down the rivers of deception - and therefore nobody responsible for the casualty lists and the dead dream of empire. Nothing wrong with anybody's character or motives, of course; nobody here in the television studio or the House of Representatives except a patriotic assembly of loyal Americans overwhelmed by a massive systems failure, which is a technical problem, not a sign of bad faith or a proof of blind stupidity. The lights went out; the secretaries forgot to put the truth in the water.
Some of the stories deserved accompaniment for solo violin, others were best understood as acts of contrition on loan from the National Cathedral, but all of them clung to the skirts of the same script. Thus Brent Scowcroft, former national security adviser to the first President George Bush, opposed to the theory of the Second Gulf War, appalled by Vice President Dick Cheney's office deploying against enemies both foreign and domestic the strategies of forward deterrence and preemptive strike, telling a writer for The New Yorker, "I consider Cheney a good friend - I've known him for thirty years. But Dick Cheney I don't know anymore."
Or Senator John Kerry, erstwhile presidential candidate who in October 2002 had endorsed the glorious march on Baghdad, speaking to an audience at Georgetown University on October 26:
"I regret that we were not given the truth; as I said more than a year ago, knowing what we know now, I would not have gone to war in Iraq. And knowing now the full measure of the Bush Administration's duplicity and incompetence, I doubt there are many members of Congress who would give them the authority they have abused so badly. I know I would not."
Or the bewildered journalist George Packer, publishing a 467-page book, The Assassin's Gate, in which he deconstructs every policy initiative and bureaucratic maneuver preliminary to what he had hoped would prove to be the creation of a fair and free Iraq subsequent to the second coming of Thomas Jefferson in a Bradley fighting vehicle, but finding at the end of his labors that he can't answer the question "Why did the United States invade Iraq? It still isn't possible to be sure - and this remains the most remarkable thing about the Iraq War." Unwilling or unable to guess at what he calls "the real motives of the Bush administration", Packer declares himself a victim of his own idealism, decides that "Iraq is the Rashomon of wars", and concludes that the reason for it "has something to do with September 11".
By the second week in October no C-SPAN camera lacked for a talking head pleading its inability to distinguish fact from fiction. So many people had been so wickedly misinformed that even the editor of the New York Times had been lost in the fog of disinformation, failing to notice that Judith Miller, a star reporter for his own newspaper, also was operating as a conduit for government propaganda. Before the last leaves of autumn had fallen from the trees on Capitol Hill it had become hard to judge which of the testimonials was the most endearing or instructive. The committees of liberal conscience in town praised Packer's soft-headedness, approved Scowcroft's geopolitical modesty, admired the trembling of Kerry's chin, but the gold medal for moral awakening they awarded to Colonel Lawrence Wilkerson, a retired Army officer who from 2002 to 2005 had served as chief of staff to Secretary of State Colin Powell and who appeared at the podium of the New America Foundation on October 19 to say that during his long career in government (as a staff officer and as a scholar) he had studied the twistings, flummoxings, "aberrations", "bastardizations", "perturbations", apt to occur at the highest echelons of power, but never had he seen anything worse than what he had seen in his years with the Bush Administration. "What I saw was a cabal between the vice president of the United States, Richard Cheney, and the secretary of defense, Donald Rumsfeld, on critical issues that made decisions that the bureaucracy did not know were being made. And then when the bureaucracy was presented with the decision to carry them out, it was presented in such a disjointed, incredible way that the bureaucracy often didn't know what it was doing as it moved to carry them out."
The colonel's reference to "a cabal" - daring word, daringly borrowed from the manifestos of the unshaven, revolutionary left - earned him a moment in the sun of the New York Times' op-ed page (as did his saying, of Undersecretary of Defense Douglas Feith, "Seldom in my life have I met a dumber man"), but the columnists who set him up with the laurel leaves (noble teller of truth to the stone face of power) apparently didn't read the full text, which might have curbed their enthusiasm. The document is remarkable for its pedantry, its presumptions of virtue, its childishness. Proud of his postings as a teacher of military science at both the Naval and Marine war colleges, the colonel fancies himself a sage, but, like Packer, whose book he praises as a Boy Scout guide into the wilderness of bureaucratic dysfunction, he doesn't know why the United States declared war on Iraq. The plan was unintelligible, the objective a mystery. Yes, something criminal probably was afoot in the "Oval Office cabal", but the colonel doesn't care to know the details. Not because he doesn't deplore the abuses of government power but because good American boys don't consort with cabals, don't go into the woods where the wild things are, don't fool around with their sisters. More inclined to preserve his own state of grace than to mess around with snakes, and as unwilling as Packer to think for himself, the colonel devotes the bulk of his text to statements of high-minded bureaucratic principle supported by innovative suggestions for more effective corporate management:
"The complexity of the crises that confront governments today are just unprecedented ... You simply cannot deal with all the challenges that government has to deal with, meet all the demands that government has to meet in the modern age, in the twenty-first century, without admitting that it is hugely complex.
"And if something comes along that is truly serious, truly serious, something like a nuclear weapon going off in a major American city, or something like a major pandemic, you are going to see the ineptitude of this government in a way that will take you back to the Declaration of Independence ... [R]ead in there what they [the Framers] say about the necessity of the people to throw off tyranny or to throw off ineptitude or to throw off that which is not doing what the people want it to do. And you're talking about the potential for, I think, real dangerous times if we don't get our act together.
"I really think we have to protect ourselves against institutional imperfections, and in particular we have to protect ourselves against the institutions of humans and the imperfections that we bring.
"I like to use the word gracelessness, and I use that word because grace is something we have lost in the modern world. It's a very important product.
"We can't leave Iraq. We simply can't ... But we're there, we've done it, and we cannot leave. I would submit to you that if we leave precipitously or we leave in a way that doesn't leave something there we can trust, if we do that, we will mobilize the nation, put five million men and women under arms and go back and take the Middle East within a decade. That's what we'll have to do. So why not get it right now?
"[T]he world is essentially fractious today and failed states are the future, not the past, and we are the proprietor. It is our obligation and our responsibility in some cases to be a good proprietor. In other cases we have to be more realistic.
"You never know what you are going to need on the battlefield, so you'd better have six of them. Five of them won't show up, four of them won't be able to communicate, and I could go on. But you need overlap, you need redundancy. You need, as Powell used to say, 'decisive force'. You'd better have ten cases of water where you think you'd need one. You'd better have fifteen million MREs where you think you only need a million because you never know in a crisis, and the best way to be prepared is to have lots more than you think you're going to need or want."
It might also be prudent to have on hand a surplus of intelligence, but if the tone and quality of the colonel's thought is representative of what passes for wisdom in the head of the American government, where then is the hope of confronting the "hugely complex" challenges of the twenty-first century with anything other than a childish belief in magic? After reading the transcript of the presentation to the New America Foundation, I watched the rerun of the television broadcast, which, unhappily, didn't correct the impression of a charismatic Christian speaking in tongues. I could see that the colonel was probably a very nice man, earnest and well-intentioned, proceeding diligently from power point to power point, here to help and not to hurt, but so lost in the ritual language of bureaucratic abstraction that although he presumably knew what he was talking about, he undoubtedly didn't know that what he was talking about wasn't worth knowing.
More than once he repeated a dire warning with the emphasis of implied exclamation points ("problems are brewing! problems are brewing! ... My army right now is truly in bad shape - truly in bad shape!"), but when something goes wrong in America it isn't because anybody in government means to lie, cheat, steal, commit murder, or otherwise do harm. How could they? They're Americans and therefore good. It's never the people who are at fault; it's because the system is "dysfunctional", because the intelligence agencies "don't share", "never talk to each other", don't grasp the fact that everybody's "got to work together ... under leadership they trust and leadership that on basic issues they agree with ..."
It wasn't until I'd read through the colonel's cri de coeur for a second and third time that I began to understand how it could happen that so many of Washington's nominally well-informed politicians and journalists suffered so massive an intelligence failure prior to the invasion of Iraq, or why the same cloud of unknowing hadn't descended on the conversation in New York. By late January 2003, six weeks before the bombs fell on Baghdad, the Bush Administration's stated reasons for going to war already had been shown to be fraudulent, and despite the news media's doing their patriotic best not to notice what was wrong with the sales pitch, the swindle was a matter of public record - Andrew Card, the President's chief of staff, had suggested to the New York Times in September of 2002 that the timing of the assault on Baghdad was mostly a matter of marketing; the UN weapons inspectors during the autumn of that year had made numerous journeys to Iraq, finding no instruments of mass destruction; Saddam Hussein's supposed connection to Al Qaeda was clearly illusory; Vice President Cheney's intelligence operatives and those under contract to the CIA were quarreling openly in the newspapers about the data gathered from sources dubious and self-serving, reliable only to the extent that they could be trusted to say what they had been paid to say.
The available facts were consistent with what was known at the time about the Bush Administration's will to power and with what could be reasonably inferred about its commercial motive and imperial intent, the postulates easily enough obtained merely by numbering the false statements in any one of President Bush's speeches, or simply by watching the Pentagon press briefings at which Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld's attitude implied that the waging of war in Central Asia really wasn't much different than playing a video game in a penny arcade aboard the USS Franklin D Roosevelt. Nobody needed access to privileged gossip or a talent for interpreting aerial reconnaissance photographs to know that the President wanted a war in Iraq, that he possessed the means to get what he wanted (a cowed legislature, an accommodating press, an inert electorate), and that it didn't matter what reasons were given for the blitzkrieg - exporting democracy, winning World Wars III and IV, saving Israel, protecting America, bringing the Christian faith to heathen Islam, et cetera - as long as they came wrapped with the ribbon of the American flag.
Such at least was the general understanding on the part of the many people (by some estimates at least 800,000 people) who on February 15 2003, staged street demonstrations in 150 American cities as a way of voicing their skepticism. Maybe they didn't know whether it was the Euphrates or the Tigris River that flowed through Baghdad, but they could recognize the difference between the truth and its expedient equivalents.
The capacity to notice the difference and the willingness to act on the observation presuppose the mind and presence of an adult - that is, an individual whose character and moral sense is formed by his or her own thought and experience. Washington these days doesn't have much use for adults; they can't be trusted to go along with the program, play well with others, believe what they read in the newspapers. What is wanted is a quorum of dutiful children, who know that skepticism is wicked and credulity a virtue that also stands and serves as job requirement for their successful rising in the ranks of the government and media bureaucracies. Like the anxious courtiers in feathered hats who once decorated the throne rooms of old Europe, they fit their convictions to the circumstance, borrow their sense and sensibility from the consensus present in the school dormitory or the Senate conference committee, in this year's color scheme or last week's opinion poll. If from time to time the consensus changes (the war in Iraq is good, the war in Iraq is bad), staff officers as well trained as Colonel Wilkerson in the art of devising exit strategies and politicians as willing as Senator John Kerry to change trains know that the American public would rather comfort a child than pardon a criminal or forgive a fool |
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fiveeagles

Joined: 19 May 2005 Location: Vancouver
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Posted: Mon Aug 21, 2006 10:15 am Post subject: |
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Bulsajo wrote: |
Maybe she doesn't have much in the way of answers, but I think her article did a pretty good job of cutting straight to the heart of problem in a way you don't see too often these days due to partisanship. |
I know you don't like it when I bring God into your discussions, but I thought it was relevant on this one, since you brought up the issue of morality.
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For starters, blame the Bush administration's go-it-alone tough talk after Sept. 11, contempt for the Kyoto accord, war and then chaos in Iraq, secret prisons in Europe and alleged use of torture at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. Democrats would have you believe that a new team -- theirs -- in Washington would change all this. Not so fast. |
First off, Kyoto is very questionable. I can understand diplomatic reasons of tying into the accord. What good will it do if it isn't effective? Maybe, in the short term it would have been good to gain a shallow popularity, but over the long term it wouldn't pay off.
Second, we are in a world war against terror. This isn't a walk in the park. The double standards that are being used in this war are incredible.
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* WHAT AMERICA STANDS FOR: Bush is wrong to say that foreigners hate us because of our values and freedoms. Quite the contrary. U.S. credibility abroad used to be reinforced by the perception that our laws and government programs gave most Americans a fair chance to participate in a middle-class meritocracy. But the appeal of the U.S. model overseas is eroding as the gap between rich and poor widens, public education deteriorates, health-care costs soar and pensions disappear. |
True. When I lived in Detroit, I was shocked at the discrepency between the rich and poor. I travelled throughout the states and saw it from city to city and this was during the Clinton administration.
However, what better system is there? And that's the problem. We are entering the twilight zone where we know that democratic capitalism is the best working system, but it is still failing us. Why?
It is largely because we mainly have a corrupt church who is stealing from the poor. If the church began living the gospel of Jesus, many of the poor would find help. This in turn would bring back credibility to America.
This article doesn't account for the perspective of Europe becoming mostly secular and America becoming more Christian. Though this may seem like a small factor, I believe it plays a big role. Like I have said in other posts, Europeans have been polled to find that they have more in common with China than with America. From everything to media/entertainment to social issues like abortion, homosexuality and stem cell research these opposing views will only widen the gap. The increase in human secularism/communism throughout the world will only increase in its hatred towards the US and others who have an open attitude towards Christianity.
This article is only one example of what is happening throughout the world.
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A12528-2004Oct30.html
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Under attack for calling homosexuality sinful, Italian cabinet minister and papal confidant Rocco Buttiglione said Saturday that he was abandoning efforts to become the European Union's justice commissioner, a bid that has kept an entire new E.U. commission from taking office. |
Unfortunately, Bush and his administration hasn't helped with the image of the US by making some rather large mistakes, but underlying those mistakes and of past administrations are the above mentioned policies that are hated by many in this world. The war against Iraq is only the doorway to why people hate Bush and America.
The article does look deeper than Bush which is a step in the right direction. I remember being in Puerto Rico in 2000 and the people slamming America then. I went to a Rock concert and the anti-american sentiment was burning over even back then. Even in Canada, I am amazed at how my friends who have Masters and PHd's have moved towards hating the states. Which has been fueled by Bushee and as you know many blame most of the world problems on Bush. IGTG is a perfect example of this. Bush's cousin blew up the towers in New York, right? Though this is laughable, it reveals the power of hatred. People who are fairly intelligent are blinded by hate.
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Recovering our global standing will come not only from how we fight or prevent the next war, or manage an increasingly chaotic world. Domestic policy must change as well. Steering the body politic out of its insular mood, reducing social and economic inequalities, and decreasing our dependence on fossil fuels will help improve our moral standing and our security. |
Like you have already said, the article doesn't offer up any solutions that we already don't know. Case in point. Ok, great! Sounds great in theory, but where's the Hitchhiker's guide to the galaxy in this?
Last edited by fiveeagles on Mon Aug 21, 2006 10:21 am; edited 1 time in total |
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bucheon bum
Joined: 16 Jan 2003
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Posted: Mon Aug 21, 2006 10:20 am Post subject: |
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happeningthang wrote: |
Sure nuff. I'm curious what Joo and Sandub have to say about this. |
indeed. |
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Gopher

Joined: 04 Jun 2005
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Posted: Mon Aug 21, 2006 1:45 pm Post subject: |
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I disagree that there is much we can do "to get our groove back," and I share here "not so fast" caveat that the "since 2001" boundary reeks of Bush-centrism, or that a sudden Democratic victory might change everything. The Sandinistas, to cite but one example, were bitter about the U.S. before even the Reagan and H.W. Bush Administrations existed. The Argentines and Chileans sneered at us before the Cold War even began, indeed, they sympathized with Nazi Germany during the Second World War.
Indeed, the U.S. loss of goodwill in the world began in the years that immediately followed the Second World War, when America emerged as a hegemonic power. Much of it was indeed self-inflicted (e.g., the Bay of Pigs). Much, too, simply derived onto Washington because it was suddenly the hegemon.
Ask the Athenians after they took over the conduct of the Persian Wars and became hegemonic.
Ask the Carthaginians, the Romans, the Incas, the Aztecs, the Spaniards, and the British before us -- and others as well -- while you are at it.
Much resentment, then, has little to do with unpopular presidents and even unpopular foreign policies and wars so much as people simply sneer at the strong, the popular, the bold, or anyone who stands up and leads. We cannot please everyone all the time; we are bound to offend someone, somewhere, in anything that we do (or do not do).
I agree that there could be ways that Washington might try to turn this trend around. If, on the other hand, people were able to separate and isolate their petty sneering and their tendency to see us to blame for all that is wrong in their lives and in the world from their legitimate issues and complaints, that, too, might help things move along...
Unfortunately, however, I doubt that any hegemonic power can enjoy goodwill for very long, no matter what it does. Britain never really overcame it, for example. They are still despised in some parts of the world.
Last edited by Gopher on Mon Aug 21, 2006 4:34 pm; edited 1 time in total |
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Ya-ta Boy
Joined: 16 Jan 2003 Location: Established in 1994
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Posted: Mon Aug 21, 2006 3:44 pm Post subject: |
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I liked the OP, too. It seemed balanced and fair-minded.
I think what appealed most to me was her list of ideals: "pragmatism, generosity, modesty, discretion, cooperation, empathy, fairness, manners and lawfulness".
What struck me was the underlying but unexpressed attitude. A new world public opinion is emerging that is different than a hundred years ago. She seems to be reflecting the idea that countries are no longer judged only on the basis of military and economic power, but on their behavior as good world citizens. I'm not sure if it pre-dates Wilson's League of Nations or not, but it is an attitude that has been slowly developing. We were once leaders in that movement, and the present administration presents itself as in conflict with that movement.
There is nothing wrong with a call (in any country) to obey the better side of our human nature and strive to make life safer and more just for all of us. |
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bignate

Joined: 30 Apr 2003 Location: Hell's Ditch
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Posted: Mon Aug 21, 2006 3:57 pm Post subject: |
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Ya-ta Boy wrote: |
There is nothing wrong with a call (in any country) to obey the better side of our human nature and strive to make life safer and more just for all of us. |
This is an excellent point......
Bulsajo, very interesting article, thanks for the post... |
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Bulsajo

Joined: 16 Jan 2003
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Posted: Mon Aug 21, 2006 4:21 pm Post subject: |
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My father sent it to me, it's from the LA Times but was picked up by the Winnipeg Free Press. |
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